Employment Discrimination – Different Types of Discrimination in the Workplace - beautycub.ml

 

articles on discrimination in the workplace

Aug 10,  · A group of female former employees of Nike are suing the company over allegations that it "intentionally and willfully discriminated against [women] Author: Jessica Golden. Mar 10,  · Older Women Are Being Forced Out of the Workforce. Susan has since sued her employer for age discrimination. and their career mobility impaired by a workplace . Workplace harassment differs from discrimination because it involves negative actions toward a worker due to attributes, such as race/ethnicity, gender etc., that lead to a hostile workplace whereas discrimination involves unequal treatment or limiting of opportunities due Cited by:


Discrimination - The New York Times


This paper synthesizes research on the contribution of workplace injustices — discrimination, articles on discrimination in the workplace, harassment, abuse and bullying — to occupational health disparities. A conceptual framework is presented to illustrate the pathways through which injustices at the interpersonal and institutional articles on discrimination in the workplace lead to differential risk of vulnerable workers to adverse occupational health outcomes.

Members of demographic minority groups are more likely to be victims of workplace injustice and suffer more adverse outcomes when exposed to workplace injustice compared to demographic majority groups.

A growing body of research links workplace injustice to poor psychological and physical health, and a smaller body of evidence links workplace injustice to unhealthy behaviors. Lastly, this paper discusses methodological limitations in research linking injustices and occupational health disparities and makes recommendations to improve the state of research.

The aim of this paper was to synthesize and evaluate research demonstrating how workplace injustice — discrimination, harassment, abuse and bullying —may contribute to occupational health disparities. Reflecting historical and current societal power imbalances, forces within and outside workplaces can result in the mistreatment of workers individually or as a group through unjust practices [ JonesTurneyHodson, et al.

We theorize that mistreatment of workers in the workplace may exacerbate health disparities between groups of workers. We reviewed the peer-reviewed literature reporting direct and indirect associations of workplace injustices with health articles on discrimination in the workplace. The extant literature contains a diffuse body of work on workplace injustice from different disciplines; many of which are unrelated to health.

Our synthesis is limited to papers that present evidence of the contribution of workplace injustice to occupational health disparities. Our review led us to propose a conceptual framework Figure 1 to illustrate the various relationships suggested by research studies. To complement conceptual models that illustrate relationships between other workplace factors and health, this model illustrates pathways between workplace injustices and health outcomes that are supported by the extant scientific literature.

Our starting point for a conceptual framework for the contributions of work to health disparities is the Ecosocial approach advanced by Krieger [ KriegerKrieger, et al. A Model for understanding the contribution of workplace injustice to occupational health disparities.

Although this literature is relevant to the health of workers, our discussion does not extend to this topic. Definitions and scope of workplace injustice s differ according to the discipline and body of literature reviewed.

Though excluded from this EEOC definition, other federal agencies and some state and local laws also protect workers from workplace injustice based on sexual orientation and gender identity.

For the purposes of this paper, we defined workplace injustice as workplace-related discrimination, harassment, abuse or bullying. We considered how these injustices, including bullying which is usually status-blind, might differentially impact workers who are socially disadvantaged. Perpetration of workplace injustice can occur at the institutional or interpersonal level. Institutional injustice can persist even after levels of individual injustice have lessened in a society [ Williams and Mohammed ], articles on discrimination in the workplace.

Often, it is motivated by beliefs of inferiority of a disadvantaged outgroup compared to a dominant group [ Roberts, et al. Discrimination can also occur between disadvantaged groups themselves. For example, de Castro et al. Latino indigenous-speaking farm workers in Oregon reported differentially distributed hazardous work conditions, including lack of educational materials in languages they understood, between themselves and Spanish-speaking workers; they also reported that these conditions were often perpetrated by Spanish-speaking Latino former farmworkers who had risen through the ranks to become supervisors [ Farquhar, articles on discrimination in the workplace, et al.

Discrimination against workers with disabilities, younger and older workers, and gender persists, as well. Studies have shown that discrimination against workers with disabilities has both societal and historical influences and persists despite being prohibited by the Americans with Disabilities Act [ ScheidStuartSnyder, et al. Ageism, discrimination based on age, has been shown to have a curvilinear life course trajectory whereby it disproportionately impacts younger workers in their 20s and older workers above 50 [ Gee, et al.

Fitzgerald and colleagues delineated four types of sexual harassment—sexist behavior, sexual hostility, unwanted sexual attention, and sexual coercion. Sexist behaviors describe actions in which one's gender or sex is the primary target of discrimination [ Fitzgerald, et al. This overlap in definition can make distinguishing between gender discrimination versus harassment difficult. The other three describe experiences that are more physical and sexual in nature. Workplace bullying or abuse involves actions that offend or socially exclude a worker or group of workers, or actions that have a negative effect on the person or group's work tasks [ Grubb, et al.

These actions are often status-blind and occur repeatedly and regularly over a period of time [ Grubb, et al. Using Ecosocial theory of disease distribution as a basis [ KriegerKrieger, et al.

In the following section, we define components of our model and discuss evidence from the literature to support the pathways between them. Our model is not a causal diagram; presence of arrows between components in the model does not imply that causal analyses have been conducted. Labor stratification has been documented to occur upstream, before entry into the labor force, through unfair access to or denial of employment opportunities.

Experimental studies have documented employers responding negatively to job applicants based on age, gender, race, and sexual orientation, thereby discriminating against or preferentially hiring applicants for certain types of jobs [ Crow, et al. Among African-Americans, Haggerty and Johnson point out that labor stratification is part of broader societal level injustices, articles on discrimination in the workplace, notably poor educational systems thereby predisposing African-American workers to limited, hazardous, poor-quality job opportunities in adulthood [ Haggerty and Johnson ].

Even when workers are in the same occupational position, some workers are directly exposed to more occupational hazards through assignment of the most hazardous duties to socially and economically disadvantaged populations, thus increasing their risk for work-related injury or illness [ Murrayde Castro, articles on discrimination in the workplace, et al.

Although various explanations for disproportionate incidence of pneumoconiosis and associated death among African-American compared to White workers were posited, an examination of job placement of workers in the mine revealed race-based job assignment as the root cause.

African-American workers were de facto assigned to the deepest, dustiest parts of the tunnel, while White workers were more likely to be assigned to work outside. Available evidence suggests that, after controlling for differences in education and experience, African-American and Hispanic workers are consistently more likely to be employed in occupations where serious injuries and illnesses are more likely to occur [ RobinsonRobinsonLoomis and RichardsonShannon, et al.

However, the social forces behind disproportionate exposures of minority worker groups to occupational hazards may be complex. An analysis of illnesses and injury rates over a year period showed that disparities were dynamic and sometimes disappear when researchers control for job characteristics such as work schedule, union representation, health insurance and job hours [ Berdahl ].

A similar proportion of this same group of workers was exposed to one of three workplace injustices bullying, sexual harassment, or racial discrimination [ Krieger, et al. Though empirical evidence is limited, some researchers have suggested that differential enforcement of occupational health and safety regulations or policies in industries and occupations where minority workers predominate may be another mechanism for disparities. One example is the OSHA exemption for farms with less than ten employees.

Somervell and Conway showed that worker fatality rates in states that observe this exemption were higher than in states that do not. Other researchers have noted that a majority of the workers impacted by the suspension of both prevailing wage policies and enforcement of occupational safety and health regulations during the Hurricane Katrina and Rita cleanup process were Hispanic day laborers [ Delp et al, ; Pastor et al, ].

A more thorough analysis of the policies and decisions surrounding disaster cleanup events is needed to determine whether or not policies and decisions differentially impact minority workers. The extent to which occupational factors contribute to overall health is inadequately described, but we hypothesize, based on our review of literature, that it is possible that differential exposure to occupational hazards among minority workers may be a significant contributor to the overall experience of health disparities.

Several studies have explored the relative importance of work exposures to overall health, and the findings are intriguing. For example, a recent examination of government employees in an European city found that physical conditions at work explained most of the observed occupational class inequalities in health [ Kaikkonen, et al.

Similar studies with US samples could not be found. More research studies, in cohorts for which detailed occupation information is available, must be articles on discrimination in the workplace to help explain observed differences in health outcomes. Some studies have identified factors that appear to articles on discrimination in the workplace observed effects of workplace injustices on health and other outcomes.

In Figure 1these factors are represented as potential modifiers, articles on discrimination in the workplace. Workplace injustice may further contribute to health disparities by having differential effects on disadvantaged populations compared to dominant groups.

Also, articles on discrimination in the workplace, generalized bullying has been associated with higher numbers of psychological symptoms and increases in drinking to intoxication for women compared to men [ Rospenda, et al.

In contrast, an Italian study found that men were more likely to develop depressive disorder with increasing severity of bullying [ Nolfe, et al.

A study by Krieger demonstrated how keeping quiet about experiences of discrimination may take a toll on health. African-American women who did not tell others about the unfair treatment they received were four times more likely to report high blood pressure than women who told others a similar association was not significant for White women [ Krieger ].

In Figure 1the main pathway linking exposures to workplace injustice and health outcomes is via stress, articles on discrimination in the workplace. According to work by Lazarus and Folkmannegative health effects result when an individual perceives situational demands as stressful and this stress experience exceeds their capacity to cope [ Lazarus and Folkman ].

There is strong empirical evidence that psychological stress can affect biological host resistance through the activation of neuroendocrinological and immunological responses [ Cohen, et al.

The activation of these responses can include disturbances in the circadian cortisol profile, which several studies have found among targets of workplace injustice [ Kudielka and Kern articles on discrimination in the workplace, Huebner and DavisHansen, et al.

These types of disruptions in cortisol have been shown to lead to a multitude of chronic negative health conditions [ Cohen, et al. More studies are needed to directly and clearly show the link from exposure to workplace injustice to physiological responses and, in turn, to negative health outcomes.

The broader literature on stress and health has established links between experiences of discrimination and harassment and adverse health outcomes. Workplace injustices have been directly associated with three types of outcomes: psychological and physical health, health behaviors, and job outcomes.

There is a small but suggestive body of evidence suggesting a fourth outcome—family well-being. These outcomes can be seen on the right-hand side of our model Figure 1. Several cross-sectional studies have found evidence of symptoms and diagnosis of PTSD among workers exposed to articles on discrimination in the workplace bullying and sexual harassment [ Leymann and GustafssonSchneider, et al.

In explaining how bullying may lead to PTSD, Einarsen and colleague posit that although the experience of workplace injustice is often not articles on discrimination in the workplace, the experience threatens the inner world of the target by shattering basic cognitive schema about fairness and justice and negatively influences one's social and personal identity leading to PTSD.

A meta-analysis of the antecedents and consequences of sexual harassment found evidence for the association of sexual harassment with general poor mental health [ Willness, et al. Although anxiety and depression were the most prevalent conditions, the strongest evidence of effect was found for PTSD [ Willness, et al. Another mechanism through which minority workers might experience more severe outcomes is through attribution.

A study, which included a meta-analysis, showed that social context e. However, articles on discrimination in the workplace, worker inputs to injustice exposures are not represented on our conceptual model and are beyond the scope of this review. Although these studies utilized self—report of discrimination, experimental research has provided added evidence for the influence of work-related racial discrimination on mental health [ Salvatore and Shelton ].

Workplace ageism has been linked to psychological distress among older workers [ Yuan ]. This might particularly impact older women [ Encel and StudenckiHandy and DavyWalker, et al. A review of literature elucidated how ageism and sexism may operate concomitantly to negatively influence the health of older working women [ Payne and Doyal ]. Other studies suggest somatic health effects of workplace injustice. Cross-sectional studies provide other evidence of an association between workplace injustice and somatic health.

Those who experience racial discrimination may be at increased risk for work-related injury or illness [ Murrayde Castro, et al. Sexual harassment has also been linked to a host of physical health symptoms, including headaches, stomach aches and disrupted sleep [ Gutek and KossGoldenhar, et al.

Non-targeted witnesses of workplace injustice may also be at risk for adverse health outcomes. Articles on discrimination in the workplace witnesses to workplace bullying reported more anxiety [ Hansen, et al. Among a sample of female employees in a public utility and food processing plant, Glomb and colleagues found that observing sexual harassment was linked to lower psychological well-being, similar to individuals who experienced the harassment directly [ Glomb, et al, articles on discrimination in the workplace.

Another study found that observing the mistreatment was linked to poor psychological well-being, even after controlling for one's own experiences [ Miner-Rubino and CortinaMiner-Rubino and Cortina ]. Researchers have posited that the influence on bystander health is partly because bystanders develop a fear of becoming a target [ Hoel, et al. Yet to be evaluated is whether bystander effects are worse when the witnesses are members of the same disadvantaged group as the target.

Experiencing workplace injustice may lead to unhealthy behaviors that likely operate as maladaptive coping mechanisms. Evidence from the stress and health literature suggests that stress influences health through changes in health behavior [ Steptoe, et al. Recent research suggests similar processes with workplace injustice.

 

Types of Workplace Discrimination

 

articles on discrimination in the workplace

 

Sep 07,  · News about discrimination. Commentary and archival information about discrimination from The New York Times. beautycub.ml no longer supports Internet Explorer 9 or earlier. Workplace harassment differs from discrimination because it involves negative actions toward a worker due to attributes, such as race/ethnicity, gender etc., that lead to a hostile workplace whereas discrimination involves unequal treatment or limiting of opportunities due Cited by: Mar 10,  · Older Women Are Being Forced Out of the Workforce. Susan has since sued her employer for age discrimination. and their career mobility impaired by a workplace .